Chin Wu-ti, Ssu-ma Yen, united China in 280 A.D. establishing the new regime of the Ssu-ma clan, but this new regime saw a return to division after only thirty-seven years. Looking at the major reasons for this we can see that they are the crises and hidden dangers that existed at the beginning of the Chin that were alluded to above, and we will now examine each separately to understand them.
In the time of the Ts'ao-Wei dynasty there were already those who put forward
the idea of restoring feudalism. During the Wei Cheng-shih reign period
(240-248) Ts'ao Chiung (曹冏) of the Royal House had already
offered up an essay that discussed feudalism. He criticized the political
situation in the Kingdom of Wei saying:
The sons and brothers that are kings have empty lands, the lords have populations they cannot employ, the Royal Clan have been banished to the rural districts (lu-yen) where they cannot listen to the councils of the state, their power is the same as that of the common man, their influence the same as any commoner. Within lacks the stability of a deep root that cannot be pulled out, without there is no assistance of a clan league (massive stone), this is not that by which to pacify society and become the enterprise of ten-thousand generations. In addition, the provincial and prefectural magistrates of today all stride over a thousand li of land, and concurrently administer the military, some have more men than a principality, the brothers of some occupy land as well. However, among the sons and younger brothers of the Royal Clan there is not one man among them who could mingle with them or with them concurrently maintain control.. This is not that by means of which the root is made strong and the branch weak, the expectation of preparing for the unexpected.
Up to the usurpation of Chin Wu-ti, many men agreed with the viewpoint of Ts'ao Chiung and recognized it to be the case that the Ts'ao-Wei dynasty fell because of the isolation of the ruling house. Cautioned by past failure, Chin Wu-ti as a result decided to make use of the example of the early Han Dynasty and the feudal system was restored with the rationale that it was done to protect the ruling house. In the first year of the T'ai-shih reign period (265) over twenty sons and younger brothers were enfeoffed as Kings and they were all given military power in addition to their administrative power.
The kingdoms of these Kings were divided into three ranks, with a kingdom being equivalent to a prefecture, a large kingdom (kuo-i) had twenty-thousand households and was organized with three armies: an upper, a middle and a lower with a total of five-thousand troops. The next kingdom had ten-thousand households and two armies: an upper and a lower with three-thousand troops. A small kingdom had five-thousand households and one army with two-thousand, five-hundred troops. Below the level of the principalities there were dukedoms and marquisates with a duke or marquis having ten-thousand households or more being considered a Great Kingdom, with five-thousand a Secondary Kingdom, and those under five-thousand a Lesser Kingdom. Each of the kingdoms established officials and dependents, they had a Preceptor, a Friend (yu?), a Promulgator, scholars, Court Officers, Marshalls, Agricultural Officers, Right and Left Attendants, a Court Historian, Generals, Receptors, and a court nobility along with others. Below the rank of Duke and Marquis the officials and dependants progressively decreased in number. The Kings were all Imperial sons and younger brothers of the Ssu-ma clan, and the dukes, marquis, counts, viscounts and barons were collateral relatives of the Kings. In this way they constituted a very large Ssu-ma clan faction and like the myriad stars encircling the moon, they together protected the Son of Heaven, while in terms of significance it was a complete restoration of the feudal system of the Chou Dynasty. However, in reality at the same time that the Kings had first been enfeoffed they all dwelt together in palaces in the capital, receiving rich salaries and at the same time not going formally as Kings to the fiefs they had been given. In this way the institution was made to exist in name only. In 277 (Hsien-ning 3) the General of the Imperial Guard, Yang T'ao, and others made a proposal that said: "Of old the feudal lords were that which was used to screen and guard the ruling house. Now the various Kings and Dukes are all in the capital, this is not the meaning of guarding the city." As a result Chin Wu-ti ordered the Kings to disperse and return to their kingdoms, and there was the crying and tears of those who could not bear to go.
Among the various principalities P'ing-yuan, Ju-nan, Lang-yeh and Ch'i were considered to be Great Kingdoms while Liang, Chao and Yen were considered to be among the Lesser Kingdoms. Even though they were considered Great Kingdoms they were also no larger in size than a prefecture and their armies did not exceed several thousand so they did not have much influence. However, Chin Wu-ti also dispatched the Kings as local garrison commanders and military commanders. The Generals at this time were the so called "Four Conquers" (Conquers the East, Conquers the West, Conquers the South and Conquers the North, those below used this as a standard), the "Four Suppress", the "Four Pacify" and the "Four Stabilize". The military commander who was in the center was called the Superintendant of Military Affairs (T'u-t'u Chung-wai Chu-chun-shih) and at the local level there was the Superintendant of Provincial Military Affairs, these are the so-called Eight Great Military Commanders, while below them were the Supervisors of Military Affairs. As the commanders in charge of local military affairs they had the authority to command, move and mobilize with the origin of the institution being found in the circumstances of the Late Han and Three Kingdoms period. The Kings that had these important military posts controlled large forces assigned to garrison strategic points thus constituting the actuality of feudalism's power. The Kings of later times engaged in internal strife and internecine slaughter, and the seeds of this later misfortune were to be found in this.
To go along with and expedite the restoration of feudalism Chin Wu-ti also
carried out one other measure and that was to eliminate the provincial and
prefectural troops, the objective of both being to consolidate the central
administration. In 230 following the pacification of Wu, Chin Wu-ti sent down
an edict saying:
In the past from the end of the Han all within the four seas divided and fell, the provincial governors within cherished the people and without they commanded the army. Now all under heaven has become one, and at this time the spears and shields are idle and have been put away, the provincial governor has had his office (duties) divided, resuming the duties they had under the Han and all of the provincial and prefectural troops have been removed. Large prefectures shall establish one hundred men as military civilian officers, small prefectures will have fifty men.
Wu-ti originally had hoped in this way to bring peace and abundant joy to the empire (this is the reason the reign title was changed to T'ai-k'ang) and consolidate the empire, so that with the end of military activity he could promote culture; but he still did not expect that this first measure of enfeoffing the Kings would not protect the Royal House but on the contrary would gradually lead to the Revolt of the Eight Kings; the second measure of the elimination of the provincial and prefectural troops had by the Yung-ning period (301) led to bandits rising up all over the empire with the result that the countryside could no longer be controlled and the empire fell into confusion. From this it can be seen that a political problem cannot by solved simply by looking at only one of its aspects.
|安平 An-p'ing||Fu (孚)||Younger brother of Hsüan-ti (宣帝 : Ssu-ma I 司馬懿), Wu-ti's great uncle.||Appointed T'ai Tsai (太宰) and Tu-tu Chung-wai Chu-chün Shih (都督中外諸軍事), he remained in the capital.|
|義陽 I-yang||Wang (望)||Son of Wu-ti's great uncle, Fu.|
|平原 P'ing-yuan||Kan (幹)||Son of Hsüan-ti, Wu-ti's uncle (father's younger brother).|
|汝南 Ju-nan||Liang (亮)||Fourth son of Hsüan-ti, Wu-ti's uncle (father's younger brother).|
|東莞 Tung-kuan||Chou (伷)||Son of Hsüan-ti, Wu-ti's uncle (father's younger brother).|
|汝陰 Ju-yin||Chün (駿)||Son of Hsüan-ti, Wu-ti's uncle (father's younger brother).|
|粱 Liang||T'ung (彤)||Son of Hsüan-ti, Wu-ti's uncle (father's younger brother).|
|琅邪 Lang-yeh||Lun (倫)||Ninth son of Hsüan-ti, Wu-ti's uncle (father's younger brother).|
|渤海 Po-hai||Fu (輔)||Son of Fu and Wu-ti's father's older paternal male cousin.|
|下邳 Hsia-p'ei||Huang (晃)||Son of Fu and Wu-ti's father's older paternal male cousin.|
|太原 T'ai-yuan||Kuei (瓌)||Son of Fu and Wu-ti's father's older paternal male cousin.|
|高陽 Kao-yang||Kuei (珪)||Son of Fu and Wu-ti's father's older paternal male cousin.|
|常山 Ch'ang-shan||Heng (衡)||Grandson of Fu, son of Wang, Wu-ti's|
|東平 Tung-p'ing||Mao (楙)|
|沛 P'ei||Ching (景)|
|彭城 P'eng-ch'eng||Ch'üan (權)|
|隴西 Lung-hsi||T'ai (泰)|
|范陽 Fan-yang||Sui (綏)|
|濟南 Chi-nan||Sui (遂)|
|譙 Ch'iao||Hsün (遜)|
|中山 Chung-shan||Mu (睦)|
|北海 Pei-hai||Ling (陵)|
|陳 Ch'en||Pin (斌)|
|河間 Ho-chien||Yung (顒)|
|齊 Ch'i||Yu (攸)|
|樂安 -an||Chien (鑒)|
|燕 Yen||Chi (機)|
Beginning from the time Wei Wu-ti (Ts'ao Ts'ao) thrice sent out imperial edicts promoting the ideology of achievement and benefit destroying the barrier of an ethical education and continuing with Ch'en Ch'un's "Fair System of Nine Grades" that replaced the system of investigation and recommendation of officials during the two Han Dynasties, the people's hearts and the scholar's customs both with each passing day withered and declined. Chin Wu-ti, although he had militarily united the empire, still was not able to reverse this sort of spiritual decline. At this time two kinds of serious phenomena appeared in the political and social fabric: one was the luxurious and licentious lifestyles of everyone from the Emperor on down to the aristocracy and high court officials; the other was the scholarly practice of "pure talk" (清談 ch'ing-t'an). Both of these phenomena indicate a mentality and life that was uninhibited and irresponsible, a complete reversal of the serious and austere attitude that was found during the two Han Dynasties.
Chin Wu-ti is one of only a few emperors in Chinese history who were known for
their profligacy. In 273 and again in 274 he twice had large selections of
wives and concubines, and when several thousand duaghters all of good families
entered into the palace to await selection, the mothers and daughters in their
parting cried aloud in the palace and the sound of it was heard outside the
palace. After the conquest of Wu in 280 he accepted several thousand women from
the palace of Sun Hao bringing the numbers of women in the side apartments to
almost ten-thousand. Wu-ti neglected the affairs of state and would often mount
a goat cart to roam about the confines of the palace, allowing the goats to
choose their own way. The palace women would vie with one another for attention
by sticking bamboo leaves stuck in their doors, the salty sap of which was
splashed on the ground to attract the attention of the goats leading the cart,
the dissipation of their lives having come to this. In general the aristocrats
and ranking officals such as the Rear General Wang K'ai (the younger brother of
the Empress from the Wang clan of the Emperor Wen-ti, Ssu-ma Chao) and Shih Chung
(the son of the Ta Ssu-ma, Shih Pao) vied with one another in wealth, Wang K'ai by
means of filling kettles with rice soup, and Chung by using was as firewood;
K'ai made a violet gauze screen 40 li in length, while Chung had a brocade that
was 50 li. When Wang K'ai hosted a banquet he used beautiful women to offer the
drinks and if the guests did not become completely drunk the women were then
killed. Ho Ts'eng was an important minister to Chin Wu-ti and he was deeply
dissatisfied with Chin Wu-ti's attitude toward life, and had already said this
to his son:
The nation submitted to Heaven and accepted the abdication to begin the enterprise and hand over control, at every banquet I have been to I have never heard plans for the future or for running the state but have only heard about the daily affairs of life, this is not the beginning of a plan to bequeath to later generations.
But Ho Ts'eng's own daily life was one of "eating ten-thousand cash every day that is to say that there was no place to put chopsticks down on the table." This shows that the extravagance of the lives of the aristocracy at the time had already become an ordinary habit of long standing.
"Pure Talk" (清談 ch'ing-t'an) had its origins in the
Cheng-shih period (240-247) and reached its zenith during the period of the two
Chin Dynasties. Another name for "pure talk" is metaphysical
discussion, and was an elaboration and explanation of the ideology of Lao-tzu and
Chuang-tzu which postulated that the myriad things of heaven and earth were based
on non-existence and for this reason human life was empty and without substance
so ordinary affairs did not require serious effort. For example, during the reign
of Chin Hui-ti, Wang Jung, the Minister of Education and Culture, who from
childhood had been a good friend of Juan Chi even though Jung was twenty years
junior to Juan Chi, it was a friendship in which age did not matter. In the past,
these two along with Shan T'ao, Chi K'ang, Juan Hsien, Hsiang Hsiu and Liu Ling
would gather in the carefree setting of a bamboo grove and came therefore to be
known as the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove. Indulging in wine, talking and
acting freely, this recklessness came out of their feeling of being outside of
themselves. Jung's position reached to that of the "Three Eminences"
(San Kung) and having no affairs to administer he would everyday mount his horse
and go out to wander about. Jung Hsien's son, Jung Chan, had in the past met
with Wang Jung and Jung had asked him what the difference was between the path of
Lao-Chuang and that of the Sage K'ung (Confucius), to which Jung Chan replied and
in an exceedingly ambiguous and profound sentence said: "In the future, do
not share!" Hearing this Wang Jung sighed in praise and admiration and
because of this was appointed as an Official Aide so the people of the time
called him the "Three Word Aide". Wang Jung's cousin (on his father's
side) Wang Yen (tzu: Wang I-fu) later also rose to the rank of "Three Eminences"
and was considered by other to have a refined air about him,
not sure how to translate this
Ordinarily no matter what was happening in the world, all that he would talk about was what was empty and without substance. When he was discussing he would hold a jade-handled whisk that was the same color as his hand, and if there was something that did not accord with his reason he would immediately correct it, what the world calls "unfounded criticism in the mouth". The scholars who advanced after this, there was not a one of them who did not admire him and as a result caused the empty and the absurd to become the fashion. As the basis of the discussion of philosohpical principles and from an academic standpoint of discussing origins this is not an evil practice, but for those in positions of command for those who engage in the actual administration of public affairs to not put anything into practice and emptily discuss the mysterious and insubstantial then brings about a political crisis of immense proportions. What is even stranger is that since this kind of person would talk of the void and non-being they would apparently not compete in the world, but nevertheless Wang Yen loved fame and Wang Jung coveted profit. They abandoned propriety and responsibility yet at the same time they did not give up their personal desires, how could this sort of social morality not produce chaos. There were also many at the time who deeply detested this such as Lu Pao of Nan-yang who wrote the Ch'ien-shen Lun (Discussion of the Money Spirit) to satirize the world, and P'ei Wei who wrote the Ch'ung-yu Lun (Discussion of Honor) in order to rectify customs, two essays that were a reflection of the degree to which social attitudes had progressed.
Ever since the period of the two Han Dynasties, the different tribes that had been conquered by the Han people and lived together along the border had on the one hand absorbed the governmental forms and the culture of the Han people while on the other hand they had also maintained their traditional fierce tribal nature as their population grew without stopping which led to a serious tribal problem that was also a latent political crisis. During the period of the Wei and Chin Dynasties the most important among the various peoples that lived along the borders were the Hsiung-nu, the Hsien-pei, the Ti and the Ch'iang and if we add to this another tribe, the Chieh, we can then call them all by the name "Wu Hu" (Five Barbarians). The location of the Five Barbarian tribes is given as follows:
The origins of the arrival and settlement of the Hsiung-nu into the hinterland of China is the earliest of the five. It began when Han Wu-ti accepted the surrender of the King Hun-ya and later when Hsuan-ti accepted the surrender of Hu-han-ya in a practice that that known at the time as "guarding the borders by attaching to the interior". During the reign of Han Kuang-wu-ti a group of several tens of thousands of Southern Hsiung entered into Hsi-ho Mei-chi to dwell there and for the entire span of the Eastern Han Dynasty the Southern Hsiung-nu were the barbarian auxiliaries of the Han. By the time of the rebellion of the Yellow Turbans and the revolt of Tung Ch'o in the late Han, the Ch'an-yu (Khan) Ch'iang-ch'u started to migrate to the south into Li-shih (Li—shih Hsien in Shan-hsi) and established a capital at Tsuo-kuo Ch'eng (City of the Left Kingdom, in the vicinity of Chieh-hsiu in Shan-hsi). The Hsiung-nu harrassed the peoples in the areas of Kuan-chung and Ho-tung to the banks of the Yellow River and collaborated with the garrisons of Ho-pei, they were afterwards completely conquered by Ts'ao Ts'ao. Ts'ao Ts'ao divided the Hsiung-nu who surrendered and submitted into five groups and they were settled in separate areas of the Fen River valley in modern Shen-hsi. The left group occupied the great plain of Hsuan-shih (modern Kao-p'ing and Shan-hsi) the right part occupied Ch'i-hsien (modern Ch'i-hsien in Shan-hsi) the southern part occupied P'u-tse (Hsi-hsien in Shan-hsi) the nothern part occupied Hsin-hsing (modern Hsin-hsien in Shan-hsi) and the central part occupied T'ai-ling (modern Wen-shui in Shan-hsi). Among the five sections the power and influence of the left section was the greatest having over then-thousand tribal clans, so Ts'ao Ts'ao expediently ordered the grandson of Ch'iang-ch'u, Liu Pao be made the Commander-in-Chief. At the time the Hsiung-nu considered themselves to be the sons of the daughters of the Han ruling house, many changing their surname to Liu, the chief commanders of the five sections were all surnamed Liu and for this reason were called the five sections of the Liu clan. From the time of the two Han Dynasties on, the tribes of the Hsiung-nu that had surrendered and submitted were spread over a very borad area and the five sections of the Liu clan, moreover, were the largest segment among the tibes of the Hsiung-nu. Of the other branches one occupied the area of Lin-sung in Ho-hsi (Chang-yeh in Kan-su) and were known as the Lu-shui Hu, among them there was one family who preceeding generations had served as Left Chu-ch'u (an official title) of the Hsiung-nu so used the name of the office as a surname. There was one more branch of the Hsiung-nu who were descendants of the Southern Chan-yu and used T'ieh-fu as their surname but later also changed it to Liu. Originally they lived in P'ing-chou, but during the time of Chin Wu-ti they moved west to live in the Hsin-hsing region (Wu-shan, Kan-su). The remaining small branches were numerous and spread out to that it is too difficult to list them here.
Among the three major branches of the Hsiung-nu, the largest branch was still that of the Five Sections of the Liu Clan. Among the Five Sections the largest group was the Left section. Liu Pao, the chief commander of the Left section produced a son, Liu Yuan, who since childhood had loved to study, he served and respected Ts'ui Yu of Shang-tang as his teacher and studied the Shih-ching, I-ching, Shang-shu and especially liked the Ch'un-ch'iu Tso-chuan as well as the Sun-Wu Ping-fa, in addition he was brave and an accomplished archer whose physical strength surpassed that of other men. When Pao died he replaced Pao as chief commander of the Left section. During the last years of Wu-ti's reign he was appointed as the Pei-pu Tu-wei and at the beginning of the reign of Hui-ti he advanced to become the Wu-pu Ta-tu-tu and as a result became the leader of the Five Sections.
The Chieh were one of the smallest tribes among those of the Five Barbarians and historically called a separate branch of the Hsiung-nu because they took their name from the Chieh-shih region of Wu-hsiang hsien in Shang-tang Commandery (the Wu-hsiang region in Shan-hsi), or use Chieh as the name for the mixed-blood families of Hsiung-nu and other peoples, we commonly call them the Hu-chieh. The power of the Hu-chieh was limited, and originally was not enough to merit serious attention, but later because Shih Le, who found the Later Chao Dynasty was a Chieh the Chieh peoples have then been listed as on of the Five Barbarians.
Among the Five Barbarians the ones whose area of distribution was the broadest, whose surnames were most numerous, and who later established the most kingdoms, this has to be the Hsien-pei. The Hsien-pei are classified as one of the Tung-hu according to the Hou Han-shu the Tung-hu were attacked by the Hsiung-nu and separately defended the two mountains Wu-huan (also Wu-wan) and Hsien-pei. The Wu-huan was to the south while the Hsien-pei was in the north. Thereafter, those in the north called their tribe the Hsien-pei and those who were in the south called their tribe the Wu-huan and this is the explanation of the origin of the Hsien-pei people. But where afterall is the location of Mount Hsien-pei for the different theories are many and chaotic making it difficult to be certain. There is only the approximation that it is within the region of Manchuria and Mongolia in the area north from Suo-yueh-erh-ch'i Mt. in the center passing through the Su-k'e-hsieh-lu Mt. south to the Sung-ling in Je-ho, this region of criss-crossing mountain chains is just where during the first years of the Western Han the Hsien-pei and Wu-huan were found to live. During the Eastern Han the Hsiung-nu were in steady decline but the Hsien-pei and Wu-huan were growing stronger and gradually invaded the eastern portion of the Hsiung-nu territory coming into contact with the Han peoples angaging constantly in warfare. Many tribes of Hsien-pei who surrendered and submitted had been moved and placed in the eastern and western regions of Liao (Liao-tung and Liao-hsi). The Wu-huan that surrendered and submitted were settled in Shang-ku, Yu-yang, Tsuo-pei-p'ing areas. After this it was only the Hsien-pei who were ascendant while the Wu-huan also went into decline. In the later part of the Eastern Han there arose among the Hsien-pei a folk hero whose name was T'an-shih-huai who completely occupied the territory of the Hsiung-nu at the beginning of the period of their ascendance. In the east from Liao-tung it penetrated to the great desert north and south and in the west it extended to Hsi-yu. Thus the Hsien-pei folk spread from the northeast of Ching to expand into the northwest of China. When T'an-shih-huai died and the succession had twice passed on to finally come to K'e-pi-neng, the Hsien-pei tribes had become scattered and separated. During the transition from the Han to the Wei, Ts'ao Ts'ao mauled the Wu-huan severely and they went into an even deeper decline. There only remained the various Hsien-pei tribes that were scattered everywhere along the northern border of their extremely vast territory. By the first year of the Western Chin the major tribes of the Hsien-pei were the Mu-jung clan, the T'o-pa clan, the Tuan clan, the T'u-fa clan and the Ch'i-fu clan. Among them the two clans of the Mu-jung and T'o-pa were the most powerful and strong.
Mu-jung (慕容) Clan: They initially lived in the area of Liao-hsi and later moved to Liao-tung. During the reign of Chin Wu-ti their chieftain, Mu-jung Hui, was enfeoffed as the Hsien-pei Tu-tu (military commander) and ordered to command the Hsien-pei of Liao-hsi and Liao-tung. By the time of Chin Hui-ti they began to establish a capital at Chi-ch'eng. Bordering the Mu-jung were the Tuan and Yu-wen clans.
Yu-wen (宇文) Clan: The Yu-wen clan lived to the northeast of the Mu-jung in the region of the modern province of Je-ho and were often the foes of the Mu-jung.
Tuan (段) Clan: The Tuan clan lived to the west of the Mu-jung in the region of Liao-hsi. During the reign of Chin Hui-ti their chieftain, Tuan Wu-wu-chu, had already been enfeoffed as the Duke of Liao-hsi and in history they are known as the Tuan clan of Liao-hsi.
T'o-pa (拓跋) Clan: The T'o-pa clan at the time the Southern Hsiung-nu were moving south they lived in the former lands of the Southern Hsiung-nu (modern Sui-yuan). During the Ts'ao-Wei Dynasty they first established a capital at Ch'eng-le (west of the modern city of Kuei-hua), later by the time of the Western Chin a chieftain by the name of T'o-pa (I-lü)?? had expanded their territory to the north of Tai and so Chin Min-ti enfeoffed him as the Duke of Tai (Tai Kung)
T'u-fa (禿髮) Clan: The T'u-fa clan originally lived north of the frontier (sai-pei) and moved to Ho-hsi. Actually T'u-fa was originally another way to pronounce T'o-pa and only later in history was it finally distinguished as two separate tribes. During the reign of Chin Wu-ti their chieftain, Shu-chi-neng, had already led his people to revolt, killing the prefect of the two provinces of Ch'in and Liang setting the western frontier into a large revolt that was later suppressed by the General Ma Lung. Shu-chi-neng's cousin, T'u-fa Wu-huan succeeded him to lead the tribe and they lived in the area of Kuang-wu in Ho-hsi (the Yung-teng area in central Kan-su).
Ch'i-fu (乞伏) Clan: In the first lear of T'ai-shih (265) the Ch'i-fu dwelled in the land of Hsia-yuan (the region of Ning-hsia), and later on as the tribe gradually grew in size they moved to Kao-p'ing Ch'uan (Ching-yuan in Kan-su).
These people were one of the tribes belonging to the Western Jung of the Chou-Ch'in period, while during the period of the Han for the most part they lived in the Wu-tu region and called the Wu-tu Shih, often combining with the Ch'iang to raid the borders therefore it is sometimes hard to distinguish between the Ti and the Ch'iang. When Ts'ao Ts'ao was subjugating the Ch'ao and Han Sui, he received the surrender of many Ti and Ch'iang, and many of the Ti were removed to Kuan-chung. As a result of this a part of the Ti that colonized and lived in Kuan-chung while another part lived in the Ling-chou, Lung-hsi area, mostly concentrated in Lueh-yang (Ch'in-an in Kan-su) and were called the Lueh-yang Ti. In addition there was also a branch of the Ti peoples that from the late Han then gathered together in the Wu-tu Chiu-ch'ih region and were called the Chiu-ch'ih Yang-shih.
In the preceeding section on the history of the Eastern Han there is much said about the Ch'iang already. They were one of the fiercest tribes in the western regions. The campaigns of the successive Han and Wei Dynasties were unable to completely subjugate them and of the tribes that had been conquered and submitted and those that had not, many of them were scattered about in the Lung-shih region during the transition from Wei to Chin, their largest clan being the Yao-shih that lived in Nan-an (Lung-hsi in Kan-su).
The integration of the Five Barbarian Tribes had by the Western Chin already
become a very grave state of affairs. Therefore at the time in the court many
of the far-sighted officials held the position of especially advocating a
policy of "Move out the Jung" (Hsi Jung), during the reign of Chin
Wu-ti there was Kuo Ch'in (郭欽), and during the reign of Chin
Hui-ti there was Chiang T'ung (江統). Kuo Ch'in said:
The Jung and Ti (戎狄 names used for barbarians of the west and north, these Ti are different from those of the west) of the border are uncivilized and have been a menace since antiquity. At the beginning of the Wei, people were few so all the commanderies of the northwest were occupied with the Jung. At present although they are obedient if after one-hundred years we are troubled by an unexpected mutiny then from P'ing-yang and Shang-tang the horses of the Hu in no more than three days would reach Meng-chin, Pei-ti, T'ai-yuan, Feng-I, An-ting and Shang-chun and all would become the halls of the Ti. We should attain to the awe that pacified the Wu, the plans of strategists and brave generals should proceed to Pei-ti, Hsi-ho and An-ting return Shang-chun and get back Feng-i, and enlisting the criminals sentenced to death in the hsien north of P'ing-yang, exiling from San-ho and San-wei forty-thousand families in order to fill them up. When the barbarian tribes do not disturb China, that is the time to gradually move the various barbarians out of P'ing-yang, Hung-nung, Wei-chun, Ching-chao and Shang-li, the harsh protection of forcing the four barbarians out illuminates the "devastate and conquer" system of the former kings, a good policy for ten-thousand generations.
Chiang T'ung wrote:
The necessity of the present moment is the necessity of arriving at a state of military awe and regional prosperity, but the numerous affairs are not yet completed so move out all of the Chiang that are in the area of Feng-i, Pei-ti, Hsin-p'ing and An-ting to touch the earth of Hsien-ling, Han-ping and Hsi-chih, to move the Ti of Fu-fung, Shih-p'ing, and Ching-chao back to return to Lung-yo and touch the ground of Yin-p'ing and Wu-tu, each of our dependent tribes returned to its former land, making the vassal states pacify the barbarians then peaceably assembling them; the Hu of Ping-chou are really the cruel and evil foes of the Hsiung-nu, during the generation of Han Hsuan-ti they were ravaged by bitter cold and hunger, their nation splitting into five parts which later recombined into two groups, Hu-han-yeh as a result was weak, helpless and in danger he could not provide for himself, so he complied and surrendered below the border giving up hostages submissively. In the midst of Chien-wu the Southern Ch'an-yu came again to surrender and give allegiance, and then ordered to arrive at the border to dwell south of the desert (the area of Inner Mongolia),…. in Chung-p'ing using the uprising of the Yellow Turban bandits,…. they took advantage of this rift to plunder Chao and Wei and pillaged up to Ho-nan,… these tribes scattered and dwelt in six chun. In Hsien-hsi the T'ai-chiang section divided into three commands and in the beginning of Ch'in-shih increased to become four, … now the horde of five chun have households that number in the several tens of thousands and the population's abundance even exceeds that of the Western Jung. Thus their natural disposition is valiant, using bow and horse with facility, twice that of the Ti and Ch'iang. If there is no fear, apprehensions of the confusion of the world, then the city of Ping-chou can make the blood run cold. Ying-yang (in Ho-nan) and Ju-li, these dwelt in Liao-tung beyond the borders and in Cheng-chih the Yu-chou Prefect, Kuan Ch'iu-hsien, subjugated those who had revolted forcing the remainder to move, when they first moved the families numbered no more than one-hundred but their sons and grandsons begat many more sons that are now calculated in the thousands, after several generations they must reach abundance and great vigor.
However, the policy of "Moving out the Jung" (徙戎 hsi jung) was in actuality extremely difficult to carry out and so both Wu-ti and Hui-ti were unable to adopt it. In the time of Wu-ti not only were they unable to force out the Jung but on the contrary accepted a large group of Hsiung-nu and their followers. In the same way in T'ai-k'ang 5 there was the Chieh-nu, T'ai-ha-hou, who led his tribe of 29,300 to pledge allegiance to the Han state. In T'ai-k'ang 7 there were the Hsiung-nu, Hu-tu-po and Wei-sha, who each led several hundred thousand people, both adults and children, that arrived in Yung-chou to surrender. In T'ai-k'ang 8 the Hsiung-nu Tu-tu (Army Commander), Ta-to-te-i-yo-chu, led a border tribe of 11,500 adults and children to surrender, so Chin Wu-ti resettled them separately in border prefectures. As a result the numbers of the barbarians who surrendered grew ever larger and the threat they posed became ever greater. This concealed a foreign invasion that built up over several hundred years and following the Revolt of the Eight Kings it erupted violently on every front.